Mr. Deputy Speaker: I told you that I
would give a Ruling on a point of order by MP Mr. Abdul
Jalil. Today I am giving the Ruling.
Mr. Abdul Jalil, Member-Elect from
Noagaon-5 raised a point of order on 3-2-87 that Hon'ble
Members Mr. Sarder Amjad Hossain, Member-Elect from
Rajshahi-3, Mr. Shafiqul Islam, Member-Elect from
Jamalpur-3, Mirza Sultan Raza, Member-Elect from
Chuadanga-2, Mr. A.B.M. Shahjahan, Member-Elect from
Bogra-3 and Mr. Khandoker Mohammad Khurram, Member-Elect
from Sherpur-3, became Members of Parliament contesting
from the united platform of the 15-Party Alliance.
They all voted in favour of the 7th
Amendment of the Constitution in the Parliament session
held on November 10 disobeying the instruction of the
15-Party alliance and thereby their seats have become
vacant under Article 70 of the Constitution. Therefore, he
has requested to send the case to the Election Commission
for a decision under Article 66(4) of the Constitution and
Rule 178 of the Rules of Procedure.
Now the question is:
a) Whether the 15-Party Alliance as
mentioned by Hon'ble Member Mr. Abdul Jalil is a political
Party or not?
b) Whether the Hon'ble Members Sardar
Amjad Hossain, Mr. Shafiqul Islam, Mirja Sultan Reza, Mr.
A.B.M. Shahjahan and Khandakar Mohammad Khurram are
15-Party Alliance nominated Members or not and whether
they have violated any instruction of the 15-Party
Alliance by casting their votes in favour of the 7th
Amendment of the Constitution on November 10?
c) Whether their violation was within
the purview of Article 70 of the Constitution and whether
that has vacated their seats or not?
d) Whether such a matter should be sent
to the Election Commission for a decision under Article
66(4) of the Constitution?
Basically the decisions on the above
mentioned questions b) to d) are totally dependent on the
decision on the question a) that is whether the 15-Party
Alliance is a political Party or not? Because
preconditions of the application of Article 70 of the
Constitution are that a particular person has to be an
elected Member nominated from a political Party and he has
to cast his vote against the his Party or he has to resign
from that Party. Otherwise Article 70 will not be
applicable. It may be mentioned here that interpretation
of Article 70 implies that remaining present in the
Parliament but refraining from voting defying the Party
instruction or to remain absent in the Parliament are
treated as voting against the Party. The Article 70 of the
Constitution is as follows "A person elected as a
Member of Parliament at an election at which he was
nominated as a candidate by a political Party shall vacate
his seat if he resigns from that Party or votes in
Parliament against that Party.
Explanation: If a Member of Parliament
(a) being present in Parliament
abstains from voting, or
(b) absents himself from any sitting of
Parliament,
ignoring the direction of the Party
which nominated him at the election as a candidate not to
do so, he shall be deemed to have voted against that
Party."
If the 15-Party Alliance is not really
a political Party, then the decision on the question 2
above will be totally irrelevant and unnecessary and the
decisions on the questions 3 and 4 will naturally be
negative. Let us see whether the 15-Party Alliance is a
political Party or not.
Political Party means an association or
an assembly of people which functions both in the
Parliament as well as outside, having a name as an
identity for preaching some political ideology or for
conducting political activities different from other such
association or assembly of people. But the 15-Party
Alliance is a conglomeration of 15 different political
Parties without having a particular ideology, thinking
preference or name. The very name of it indicates that it
is not a particular Party, only an alliance of 15 Parties.
It is merely a temporarily formed alliance and association
of 15 political Parties aiming to win the last election.
The philosophy of each of them is different. There is no
political Party in the Parliament in the name of 15-Party
Alliance.
Therefore, 15-Party Alliance is not a
political Party as per the Constitutional provision. Since
the 15-Party Alliance is not a political Party, it is
irrelevant and unnecessary as to whether the above
mentioned five MPs have been elected as the nominees of
the Alliance or used their election symbol or violated the
instruction of the Alliance by casting their votes in
favour of the 7th Constitutional Amendment or
whether their seats have been vacated under Article 70 of
the Constitution.
Basically since the 15-Party Alliance
is not a political Party as per the Constitutional
definition the Article 70 of the Constitution is not
applicable here. Therefore, the question does not arise
here to send it to the Election Commission for a decision
as per Article 66(4) of the Constitution or Rule 168 of
the Rules of Procedure.
Therefore, I have rejected the point of
order raised by Hon'ble Member Mr. Abdul Jalil.
[Third session of the Third Parliament,
February 15, 1987]
(23) Point of order raised
by Health and Family Planning Minister Mr. Salahuddin
Quader Chowdhury on Election of the President and other
Members
Mr. Speaker: Now with your permission I
want to say something about one of my previous Rulings.
The Hon'ble Health and Family Planning
Minister Mr. Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury asked for my
Ruling on February 9 raising a point of order on the
adverse comments of some Hon'ble Members about the
election of the Hon'ble President and Members.
I promised to give a Ruling after
examining the matter for few days.
Now the question is whether any Hon'ble
Member in his statement in the Parliament under the cover
of constitutional provision and the Rules of Procedure can
raise any issue or criticize or give aspersion on the
election of the Hon'ble President or any MP? If he can not
then what action can be taken against him as per law?
In his address Hon'ble Minister for
Health and Family Planning while raising the point of
order did not make any categorical mention of any Member
but the proceedings of the session on January 31 indicate
that some of the Members made some criticism and aspersion
on the election of the Hon’ble President and other
Members which have been expunged from the proceedings on
the request of the Hon'ble Prime Minister. But in spite of
that similar criticism and aspersion were repeated in the
subsequent sessions for which the question of Ruling has
arisen on the point of order.
One Member in his objectionable
statement not only criticized and gave aspersion on the
election of the Hon'ble President and other Members, he
also did not hesitate to mention the name of the Hon'ble
President and it appeared that he did it with disregard
and contempt. That is why that has been rejected. Since
there are many new Members in the House and for that the
matter needs to be examined from different angles. First
we have to see whether there can be any aspersion or
attack or criticism in the Parliament about the election
of the Hon'ble President and other Members. The following
discussions indicate that the answer must be in the
negative.
Hon’ble President and Hon'ble Members
have been elected through two different elections on the
basis of universal adult franchise. The Article 125 (b) of
the Constitution says, "Notwithstanding anything in
this Constitution,
(a) the validity of any law relating to
the delimitation of constituencies, or the allotment of
seats to such constituencies, made or purporting to be
made under Article 124, shall not be called in question in
any Court;
(b) no election to the [Office of
President] or to Parliament shall be called in question
except by an election petition presented to such authority
and in such manner as may be provided for by or under any
law made by Parliament".
Therefore, it can certainly be said
that legally no Member of the Parliament can raise any
issue nor can he make any adverse or derogatory remarks
about the election of the Hon'ble President and that of
the Hon'ble Members. If it is done that will be not only
against the Constitution and the Rules of Procedure,
illegal and unreasonable, but also contrary to the
parliamentary procedure.
Secondly Hon'ble President is also the
Head of the State under Article 48 of the Constitution and
his place is above everybody. Moreover, even though there
is no mention in the Article 65 of the Constitution still
under Articles 72 and 80 the Hon'ble President is the part
and parcel of the Parliament as the Indian President and
the Queen of Britain are inseparable parts of the
Constitution. Parliament can be summoned, prorogated and
dissolved only by him and no Bill of the Parliament can be
law without his consent. No Finance Bill can be a law
without his consent nor it can be placed in the
Parliament. Only he can summon the Parliament.
Moreover, any aspersion to the Hon'ble
President has been prohibited under Articles 53(Na),
133(5) and 165(5) of the Rules of Procedure and while
making statement in the Parliament use of offensive,
discourteous and undignified language has been prohibited
under Rule 270.
The Parliament itself has framed the
Rules of Procedure under Article 75 of the Constitution.
Therefore, the violator of the Rules of Procedure will
come under the discipline of the Parliament as Parliament
is run under the special privilege and other provisions of
Article 78 of the Constitution and the Rules of Procedure
framed under Article 75 of the Constitution.
Therefore, making discourteous
statement about the Hon'ble President and making
disrespectful comment about the Parliament are the same.
Making any disrespectful statement about the Parliament or
anyone of its Members will curtail the special privilege
of the Parliament or its Members and it will dishonour the
Parliament and will be treated as offence.
Now I quote from Erskine May on
analogous situations in the United Kingdom.
"It is obviously unbecoming to
permit offensive expressions against the character and
conduct of Parliament to be used without rebuke; for they
are not only a contempt of that high Court, but are
calculated to degrade the Legislature in the estimation of
the people."
Unquote. I am referring to House of
Lords and Commons. Quote:
"If directed against the other
House, and passed over without censure they would appear
to implicate one House in discourtesy to the other, if
against the House in which the words are spoken, it would
be impossible to overlook the disrespect of one of its own
Members. If, when called to order, the Member fails to
retract or explain his words and make a satisfactory
apology, he may be punished by a reprimand or commitment
or under Standing Orders Nos. 23, 24 or 25." You can
see on pages 438 to 441 in May's book which say, "It
is most impotent that the use of such words should be
immediately reproved in order to avoid complaints and
dissension's between the two Houses".
This is the way how discipline is
maintained between House of Commons and House of Lords in
the United Kingdom. I have already quoted and now I again
quote, (vide "Law, Privileges, Proceedings and
Usage of Parliament", 19th edition, page
426), in the same way, from Anson's "Law and Custom
of the Constitution", Vol. I, Parliament, 5th
edition, page 170, where I want to quote the following:
"Speech and action in Parliament
may thus be said to be unquestioned and free. But this
freedom of external influence or interference does not
involve any unrestrained license of speech within the
walls of the House. The House controls the action of its
own Members, and enforces this control by censure, by
suspension from the service of the House, by commitment,
by expulsion. Abuse of the forms of debate, irregular or
disrespectful use of the King's name, the use of language
which is offensive or insulting to either House (unquote,
i.e., House of Lords and Commons run differently in the
United Kingdom) or to individual Members of either House
or to Parliament collectively, are the offences which may
be thus dealt with." (Unquote).
About the mentioning of the name of the
Hon'ble President in the statements of the Parliament
Articles 53(Na), 135(5), 165(5) and 270(3) may be compared
with the British parliamentary procedures. I quote:
"Disloyal or disrespectful
references to Queen, (that is, the Head of the State) is
treasonable or seditious language or a disrespectful use
of Her Majesty's name would normally give offence outside
the Parliament; and it is only consistent with decency,
that a Member of the Legislative should not be permitted
openly to use such language. In this place, in Parliament
he cannot do this. Members have not only been called to
order for such offences, but have been reprimanded,
committed to the custody of the Sergeant or even sent to
the Tower." (vide May's Parliamentary
Practice). You can refer to pages 425 and 426. I quote:
"Even the use of the name of the
Queen for influencing the decisions of the Parliament is
in principle unconstitutional and not in conformity with
the independence of the Parliament. It has been stated at
page 332 of the book by Anson that the use of the name of
the King or Queen for influencing the decision of the
Parliament is against the parliamentary practices and
procedures." (Unquote).
It is very clear from the above
discussion that uttering the name of the Hon'ble President
in a discourteous manner or without showing proper respect
and to give aspersion to his election in the parliamentary
discussion is against the parliamentary practices and
procedures and tantamount to showing disrespect to the
Parliament.
Giving aspersion to the election of the
Hon'ble Members is also equally objectionable because this
makes the entire Parliament disgraceful to the people
which indirectly hampers the functioning as a Member of
the Parliament.
Therefore, although such acts will not
be within the jurisdiction of any Courts under Article
78(3) of the Constitution, I want to draw the attention of
all the Hon'ble Members to the Rules 15 and 16 of the
Rules of Procedure for taking appropriate action.
Hon'ble Members I am giving this Ruling
accepting the point of order of Health and Family Planning
Minister Mr. Salauddin Quader Chowdhury. This Ruling will
be effective immediately.
Hon'ble Members you must have noticed
that there is a provision for giving punishment for such
violation of the Constitutional provision and the Rules of
Procedure. But I hope no Hon'ble Member will in future
violate any provision of the Rules of Procedure in their
statements as their status and the status of the
Parliament are the same. I request you all to maintain the
dignity and status of yours in your statements in the
Parliament and follow the Rules of Procedure in your
actions and behaviour for enhancing the image of you all,
the Parliament and the country in general.
[Third session of the Third Parliament,
February 19, 1987]
(24) Fresh Ruling on the
basis of discussion on the previous Ruling.
Mr. Speaker: First of all I thank you
for being able to restore a cordial and peaceful
atmosphere which was lacking at the initial stage. The
Leader of the House and the Leader of the Opposition have
presented their statements in a somber atmosphere and I
can tell you that I had to give the Ruling. Because the
very existence of the Parliament will be meaningless if we
don't accept the sovereignty of the Parliament, if we
don't respect the Hon'ble President and if we don't show
respect to the Speaker. We must give protection to the
privileges of the Hon'ble President and the Parliament.
Those were repeatedly dishonoured. At least derogatory
remakes have been made causing bitterness. That is why
Ruling has been given incorporating the Constitutional and
other legal provisions. We all have assembled here today
including the Leader of the House and let us set up good
examples so that others can not speak ill of us. We must
ensure the use of proper and Courteous language in our
statements.
My Ruling will not curtail your rights
and privileges as whatever I have incorporated have been
taken from the Constitution and the Rules of Procedure. I
had to remind you because for the last few weeks we have
been challenging the Presidential and other elections. The
statement of the Leader of the Opposition has pleased me
as the tone of his statement had the touch of our survival
and the Leader of the House has also properly responded to
that.
As the Speaker I have given the Ruling
not to curtail your privileges but to enhance the status
of the Parliament. Therefore, it has not been possible to
change this Ruling.
Thank you all.
[Third session of the Third Parliament,
February 25, 1987]
(25) The point of order as
raised by Mr. Suranjit Sen Gupta (on Bill)
Mr. Speaker: Hon'ble Member Mr.
Suranjit Sen Gupta raised a point of order on the basis of
which a fruitful discussion was held based on the
Constitution and the Rules of Procedure. Mr. Suranjit has
explained the Constitutional provisions from Article 7 to
13 and also 47 and the Deputy Prime Minister Mr.. Maudud
Ahmed has replied to that. What I could understand that
Mr. Suranjit's point of order was that the Bill which has
come to the Parliament for Constitution is against the
fundamental principles of the consideration and as such it
should not come to the Parliament and should be sent back.
I have heard both the sides with rapt
attention. Mr. Suranjit Sen Gupta has quoted sub clause
(2) of Article 7 saying that the portion of the law which
is not in conformity with the Constitutional provision
must be omitted. But since it has not yet been decided as
to whether this is not in conformity, therefore sub-clause
(2) of Article 7 will not be applicable here. Mr. Suranjit
has mentioned about the fundamental principles of Article
7 where he explained socialism as have also been done by
Mr. Tofail Ahmed, Mr. Mujibur Rahman, Mr. Mirza Sultan
Raza and Mr. Ayenuddin. Here I noticed one thing that the
explanation of socialism as provided in the 1972
Constitution has been changed and a different explanation
has been given. I thought there would be no more attack on
the fundamental principles. Preservation of several laws
are there in Article 47. The Hon'ble Deputy Prime Minister
has mentioned that it has been done through an Amendment.
The final word was told by the Leader of the Opposition
that 61% share belonged to the Government and as such the
Industrial Bank would remain as a Government Bank. But the
Leader of the Opposition expressed her doubt that although
at present the bank would remain in the Government sector,
but no body was sure as to what would happen in future.
Here my view is clear that since 51% of the shares belong
to the Government, it would remain in the Government
sector and the future would be decided in the course of
time. Therefore this Bill is neither contrary to the
Constitution nor to the Rules of Procedure. So the Bill
can be accepted and considered.
[Third session of the Third Parliament,
March 3, 1987]
(26) Personal Explanation
of Mr. Jaynal Abedin Hazari
Mr. Speaker: I shall not allow anybody
else to speak. Let me give the Ruling. Please sit down. If
you are not satisfied, then you tell me. After the
statement of the Leader of the House, there cannot be any
more debate. It is not the privilege, it is tradition that
when the Leader of the House addresses …
Please sit down. Will you not be seated
after hearing the Speakers Ruling? That's all. Let me give
the Ruling then I will let you speak.
You will see nobody will be
dissatisfied. The Leader always moves the closure motion.
My first Ruling is that the attacking
languages of both the sides are expunged and the
disrespectful remarks will be dropped from the
proceedings. Earlier it was told that Mr. Joynal Abedin
Hazari was convicted and jailed during the Awami League
period. Now it is told that he was in jail but never
convicted. Therefore, all those remarks have been expunged
because we have no proof. He is an honest man till he is
punished. That is the law.
The matter which is still under trial
in the Court should not have been discussed. I shall
expunge the relevant adverse comments and the proceedings
will be corrected on the basis of the Ruling. The
unparliamentary words that came up during the discussion
will also be expunged.
Above all, we have to ensure democratic
procedures. We all have to follow a principle that we will
follow the just path. We have to learn many things. The
Parliament is new and many of us are also new and many
things are not known to us. Let us not act on a heated
moment, rather do everything peacefully and calmly.
[Fourth session of the Third Parliament, July 05, 1987]